By Jannelle Andes

Asian American voters could influence the Presidential election in key states like Pennsylvania. What’s driving them to the polls?

According to the Pew Research Center, Asian Americans are the fastest-growing racial group in the U.S. In Pennsylvania, the Asian American population has grown with a 55% increase in eligible Asian American and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) voters between 2010-2020. More than a fifth of Asian Americans live in Philadelphia, followed by Montgomery County and Allegheny County.

Those potential votes could be enough to swing the election in a state where the margins are razor-thin. In 2020, President Joe Biden won Pennsylvania with just over 80,000 votes. 

Asian Americans are not a monolith, and their motivations to vote are diverse. Here is what some Asian Americans in Pennsylvania are saying about the upcoming election.

David Oh: Understanding Identity Politics

David Oh is a 64-year-old lawyer CEO and president of the Asian American Chamber of Commerce of Greater Philadelphia. He provided a keen insight into the nuanced challenges of balancing identities and uniting Asian American communities. Growing up in an all-Black neighborhood in southwest Philadelphia, he grappled with reconciling his identity as either Korean or American.

The concept of being Asian American was equally foreign to Oh.

 “We never thought of ourselves as Asian Americans because, throughout Philadelphia, there’s no indication of ‘Asian American.’ No streets, no schools, no parks bear that name,” he said.

Asian Americans are often perceived as a single homogeneous group, but they are not a monolith. They encompass a vast array of identities, cultures and experiences, which play a crucial role in shaping their political behavior. A recent report by the Pew Research Center on Asian American identity in the U.S. shows that these varied cultures and shared experiences are key in forming Asian American identities. However, disparities among Asian Americans—such as cultural differences, historical tensions, language barriers, geopolitical complexities, socio-economic inequities and identity politics—make it challenging for candidates to connect with this diverse electorate.

Because of this diversity, Oh observed that candidates find it difficult to connect with Asian American voters. However, he remarked that people like Wei Chen, 32, civic engagement director with Asian Americans United and co-founder of the Asian Pacific Islander Political Alliance, have challenged the notion that engaging with the diverse Asian American community is overly difficult or costly. It’s not about the cost, Oh argued, but about making the effort to reach out effectively. According to the 2022 Asian American Voter Survey (AAVS), 56% of Asian Americans reported minimal or no contact from the Democratic Party, while 66% said the same about the Republican Party. This lack of outreach reflects the broader challenge of connecting with a community that defies easy categorization.

Although Asian American communities encompass a wide array of identities, a commonality among them is the enduring vilification in American society. Oh pointed out that Pennsylvania ranks seventh in reported anti-Asian hate incidents, underscoring the gravity of this injustice. He stressed a unified priority: addressing issues like gun violence and crime. 

“It doesn’t matter if they’re a doctor or a small store owner or if they live in the suburbs or in North Philly,” Oh stated. “What Asian people are voting on is not to be targeted.”

Rob Buscher: Confronting Intergenerational Traumas

Like Oh, Rob Buscher, a fourth-generation mixed-race Japanese American, is familiar with the historical targeting of Asian Americans. Many of his relatives were among the 120,000 Japanese Americans who were incarcerated after the attack on Pearl Harbor. 

Drawing a parallel to the scapegoating of Chinese Americans during the pandemic, Buscher highlighted the unjust treatment faced by Asian Americans, particularly Chinese businesses affected by discriminatory laws. 

“This is an important reminder of what can happen when civil liberties are at stake in the guise of national security.” However, Buscher, 36, acknowledged that intergenerational trauma can make it difficult for some Asian Americans to advocate for social justice. “Some folks came from countries where they faced political oppression.”

In his roles as the executive director of the Japanese American Confinement Sites Consortium and professor of East Asian studies at the University of Pennsylvania, Buscher delved into the profound impact of his family’s World War Two experiences on his endeavors.

With each word, Buscher’s voice carried a quiet intensity. 

“Because our ancestors shared the face of the enemy, the entire community was punished,” he said. 

He reiterated the urgency to “eradicate this idea that someone is a foreigner because they have an Asian name or an Asian face. We need voter engagement because the spike in Asian hate crimes will continue in perpetuity unless we’re able to eradicate the myth of the perpetual foreigner.”

“No community is a monolith,” Buscher affirmed, “but Asian Americans rallied at the polls in 2020,” which saw the largest increase of voter turnout at 59% among any racial group. “If Asian Americans in Pennsylvania didn’t vote for the Democratic Party, then Biden wouldn’t be president right now.” 

Buscher pointed to the APIA Vote Presidential Town Hall that took place on July 13 in Philadelphia as a testament to the power of Asian American political influence. “The choice to host it in Pennsylvania was intentional.”

Vice President Kamala Harris reinforced this during a town hall, stating, “In 2020, it was the leaders here who helped to energize, organize and mobilize. It is you who helped elect Joe Biden to become president of the United States and me to become the vice president of the United States.”

Nikki: Balancing Enthusiasm and Pragmatism

A week after the town hall, Harris, the first Black and first Asian American woman vice president, announced her candidacy for president following President Biden’s withdrawal from the race.

Some members of the Asian American community were thrilled about Kamala Harris running for the highest office. On the other hand, Nikki, an Indian American atheist, expressed a more cautious perspective. She explained, “I was excited to see Kamala Harris break barriers as an Asian woman, but my support was more about preventing another Trump presidency.”

The Rutgers University graduate student, like 72% of AAPI women, wants a candidate who will protect her reproductive rights. Nikki, 23, is holding Harris accountable for her promise to combat “Trump’s full-on assault on reproductive freedom.”

Ji Hyun Hellenbrand: Increasing Visibility and Amplifying Voices

Against the backdrop of heightened political engagement, Ji Hyun Hellenbrand, a 52-year-old insurance business owner, sought solace by the sunlit window in her Montgomery County home. Reflecting on her youth, Hellenbrand remembered the challenges she faced due to her Korean ethnicity, from childhood fights to experiencing sexualization in college. These trials fueled her advocacy efforts.

Having endured racism firsthand, Hellenbrand didn’t expect her children to face similar struggles. Married to a White man, she mentioned that her son, though biracial, looks more Asian. She recalled that after Trump became president in 2016, her children were told to “go back home” and that a wall would be built to keep them out. Like her, her son was bullied.

In March 2020, Hellenbrand’s son, a standout athlete, became the target of harassing texts from leaders of the school’s sports teams. 

“They started saying they hate Chinese people. They said things like lynchings and the next Asian person I see, they’re getting speared,” she said.

The disturbing incident exemplified the alarming rise in racism and xenophobia against people of Asian descent, which skyrocketed following the pandemic. This surge was fueled by derogatory terms like President Donald Trump repeatedly referring to COVID-19 as the “Chinese virus.”

Frustrated with the superintendent’s inaction, Hellenbrand and other parents formed an outreach committee to report racial incidents and provide bystander training. She also spearheaded Make Us Visible PA to integrate AAPI history into Pennsylvania’s K-12 curriculum. Building on these initiatives, she made connections with state representatives to amplify the voices of Asian Americans.

Hellenbrand, who is a Democrat, is counting on Asian Americans in Montgomery County to participate in the November elections. The resilient activist voiced her disbelief at the possibility of Trump being reelected. 

“That just can’t happen again,” she said.

Hellenbrand added that her Catholic Republican husband shares the same sentiments. 

Lina’s Dilemma: Navigating Political Uncertainty

While Hellenbrand was mobilizing her community, another voter, Lina, a Korean immigrant with a divergent political stance, grappled with her decision to vote. Peering through her clear eyeglasses, the 51-year-old research and development specialist revealed that she previously aligned with the Republican Party. However, recent events have left her feeling uncertain.

“I feel homeless now because I don’t know which party to support,” she lamented. “I can choose not to vote, but if I don’t, we can have another January 6.” Referencing the attacks on the U.S. Capitol, she conveyed concerns about terrorism and threats to democracy. 

Feeling adrift in the current political climate, Lina expressed frustration with the lack of representation and effective communication for Asian Americans.

This feeling was reinforced when she attended a Korean American event six months ago and discovered that the Republican Party campaign did not provide any translated materials. Thinking of her elderly mother who does not read or speak English, she told them, “It would be better if you had some translated information.” 

Per AAVS, 11% of Asian Americans who speak non-English languages at home reported encountering language barriers when voting. Additionally, 42% indicated that they would use voting assistance provided in their language if it were available.

Noting accessibility tools like Google Translate and voice-activated services, Lina claimed, “If you want to break the barriers, you’ve got to meet them where they are.”

Christopher Rivera: Bridging Colonialism with Civic Duty

In contrast to Lina’s encounter with language barriers, Christopher Rivera’s viewpoint on Asian American identity was formed by a framework centered around colonialism. Rivera’s parents, who immigrated to the U.S. in the early 1980s from the Philippines, were fluent in English. His maternal grandfather served in the U.S. Navy, which was a path to U.S. citizenship for Philippine Nationals under the Nationality Act of 1940. 

Furthermore, Rivera’s viewpoint provides insight into the historical ties between the Philippines and the United States. The 36-year-old president of the Philippine American Chamber of Commerce-Greater Philadelphia explained, “The Philippines, much like Pennsylvania, was actually a Commonwealth of the United States.” He further noted that the country’s education system was modeled after the American system, with English and Tagalog as the official languages.

“Whether you’re born in the Philippines or born here, it’s ingrained in your blood that you’re American at some level,” Rivera declared.

With widened mocha eyes, he showed his passion for civic duty among Filipino Americans toward both the U.S. and their native homeland. “The governor’s office has a commission specifically for API and is vigilant to encourage people to go out and vote. If trends go the same way as in past elections, Asians in Pennsylvania will play a big part in the upcoming election.”

Tara Kao: Mobilizing for Change

Tara Kao, 45, echoed Rivera’s opinion about the significance of Pennsylvania’s Asian American voter turnout in the presidential election. The immigration lawyer shared that organizations are ramping up voter registration and participation efforts in Philadelphia by providing resources in multiple languages and utilizing ethnic media channels for information dissemination. 

With Chinese being the second-largest AAPI ethnic group in Pennsylvania, Kao suggested publishing information in Chinese newspapers and using social media platforms like WeChat and Facebook, channels she uses to communicate with her clients.

Kao was the co-owner of a bubble tea shop in Pennsylvania called Woosa, which has now closed. She used her business to encourage networking, community building and civic engagement.

Smoothing her long, straight black hair, she asserted, “Candidates do reach out, like in Chinatown, but they don’t heavily focus on it.” Those who address immigration and business issues will earn the support of Asian Americans like Kao.

Our Neighborhoods, Our Businesses, Our Stories, Our Vote

In a state where elections are often decided by narrow margins, the collective power of Asian American voters in Pennsylvania could prove decisive. Their engagement, driven by a recognition of their rising influence, holds the potential to shape not only the state’s future but also the nation’s. As they continue to advocate, mobilize and vote, these communities are poised to make a historic impact in the upcoming election.

AsAmNews is published by the non-profit, Asian American Media Inc. Please support our fundraisers.  Purchase your tickets to a Night of Hilarity- a fun conversation with comedienne Jiaoying Summers and ABC7/KABC anchor David Ono to be held October 9 in Los Angeles.

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AsAmNews is partially supported by the Stop the Hate grant administered by the California State Library in partnership with the California Department of Social Services and the California Commission on Asian and Pacific Islander American Affairs. To report a hate incident or hate crime and get support, go to CA vs Hate.

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